National & Minnesota Report
Once knowledge of Donald J Trump’s (R) order of coordinated air and naval strikes on Iran became known, then the criticisms and lauding of the efforts came forward. Each side was, as to be expected, Partisan. The House and Senate Republicans applauded the attack and brushed off the criticism of the ceding of authority for legislative authorization, in favor of blind devotion. The movement of the Never Trumpers, to Loyalist, no make that Fealtist (from fealty). The Democrats playing the well established role of Loyal Opposition. The tread on the Constitution is already tattering the parchment.
Now, we learn the hyperbole of Trump’s word are mere bluster and an analytical assessment says, the attack only set back the Iranian nuclear weapon development by a mere 2-3 months. Although, because of the strike and the willingness of Trump to take a dramatic posture—which is contrary to his past rhetoric about entrance into overseas wars—his counterfactual maneuver put him is the role once again if the irrational actor, the Madman.
This might be beneficial if his adversaries are rational actors, but already the table is set for Iran to be an irrational actor.
Where we sit is a view from the stands, mid-field, in the center seat to the field. Where its possible to read lips and interpret gestures, a distinct advantage is being able to hear like a bat, and a psychic sense of everything factor, including the divergent variables which each member would adopt to get their special piece of the pie.
This is the most transitional Congress in our understanding. The Fat man who is doling out candy isn’t the respective committee chairs but rather el Presidente’. Wait a minute Marbury v Madison (1803). In this instance after the questions about whether or not he is trying extend the Congressional Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF) from 2001 and 2002 or challenge to the War Powers Act.
As a reality, the Trumps reason for another Impeachment, after the 2026 elections and swearing in’s in January. This also a discussed issue of importance for Republicans who made mention of the idea.
If a real picture of this Presidential action is to be full
Since World War II, most US presidents have initiated military strikes or interventions without explicit congressional approval, relying on executive authority under the Constitution or the War Powers Resolution of 1973. The exact number depends on how one defines “military strikes” and “congressional approval,” but here’s a breakdown based on historical data:
Prior to the 1973 War Powers Act.
(1945–1953): Ordered US forces into the Korean War (1950) without congressional approval, citing UN authority.
Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953–1961): Deployed troops to Lebanon (1958) without prior congressional authorization.
John F. Kennedy (1961–1963): Authorized the Bay of Pigs invasion (1961) and naval quarantine during the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) without Congress’s approval.
Lyndon B. Johnson (1963–1969): Escalated Vietnam War based on the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution (1964), which was not a formal declaration of war but granted broad authority.
After the 1973 War Powers Act. (Of course passed during the Nixon Administration)
For historical context Nixon’s vetoed it but his veto was overridden by Congress.
Richard Nixon (1969–1974): Conducted bombing campaigns in Cambodia and Laos (1969– 1970) without explicit congressional approval.
Gerald Ford (1974–1977): Ordered the Mayaguez operation (1975) without prior congressional consent.
Jimmy Carter (1977–1981): Attempted a hostage rescue mission in Iran (1980) without congressional authorization.
Ronald Reagan (1981–1989): Launched strikes in Libya (1986) and deployed forces to Grenada (1983) without prior approval.
George H. W. Bush (1989–1993): Initiated the Panama invasion (1989) and deployed forces to Somalia (1992) without explicit congressional approval, though the Gulf War (1991) received authorization.
Bill Clinton (1993–2001): Ordered airstrikes in Bosnia (1995), Kosovo (1999), and Sudan/Afghanistan (1998) without prior congressional approval.
George W. Bush (2001–2009): Launched strikes in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003) with Congressional Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF), but later drone strikes and operations often lacked specific approval.
Barack Obama (2011–2017): Authorized Libya airstrikes (2011) and expanded drone strikes in Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia without explicit congressional approval, citing existing AUMFs.
Donald Trump (2017–2021): Ordered missile strikes on Syria (2017, 2018) and the drone strike killing Qasem Soleimani (2020) without congressional authorization.
Joe Biden (2021–2025): Conducted airstrikes in Syria and Iraq (2021–2024) against Iran- backed militias and authorized strikes on Houthi targets in Yemen (2024) without prior congressional approval.
Counting distinct presidents from Truman to Biden, 13 presidents have initiated military strikes or interventions without explicit congressional approval. This excludes cases where broad AUMFs (Congressionaly Authorized Use of Military Force.)(e.g. 2001 or 2002) were cited, as these are debated as “approval.” The War Powers Resolution requires notification to Congress within 48 hours, but compliance has been inconsistent, and presidents often act unilaterally, citing national security or time constraints.
If Cangress were to act and opt to curtail the President, which we highly doubt, they would actually reestablish their own lost power, in case you missed it we highly doubt it will happen.